Inequality, Elites and Counter-Elites (Verification of Some Provisions of the Structural-Dynamic Theory)

Неравенство, элиты и контрэлиты (проверка отдельных положений структурно-динамической теории)
Petr A. Orekhovsky, Olga Kislitsyna
2025-07-08

education system as social filterelites and counter-elitesincome inequality (top 1% and top 9%)social distance metricstructural-dynamic theory
The structural-dynamic theory is a modern, rapidly evolving approach to the analysis of social and politico-economic processes. It is based on the idea of the interaction between three macro-social actors: the population, the elites, and the state. In an ideal state, economic growth is accompanied by the maintenance of certain proportions between the incomes of all these actors; however, in reality, such a state is rarely observed. Generally, an increase in income is accompanied by a rise in social differentiation and the “expansion” (overproduction) of the elite. Nevertheless, the number of elite socio-political positions in any society during any historical period is limited. As a result, some individuals who cannot occupy these positions, under certain conditions, transform into a counter-elite and attempt to radically change the political regime. In agrarian societies, the privileged layer of the nobility played the role of the elite and counter-elite, while in industrial societies, determining both the number of elite social positions and the number of contenders for them becomes much more complex. The study employs criteria proposed by P. Turchin and T. Piketty, examining the incomes of the upper decile – the top 1% and the top 9% (it is assumed that individuals from the top 9% are contenders who can become part of the counter-elite). The social distance metric is calculated – the number of annual incomes required to enter the top 1%. The functioning of the education system is analyzed, revealing that in the 21st century, it stops acting as a “social filter.” It is demonstrated that the greatest social distance occurs in Russia, while income differentiation in the USA is comparable to similar indicators in China. The conclusion is drawn that the indicators of social differentiation are insufficient grounds for predictions about the likelihood of revolutions, prompting the consideration of other factors identified by J. Goldstone. Social and economic indicators of Russia, China, India, USA, UK, Germany, and France are compared.
1
In the 21st century, the education system ceases to function as a social filter; Russia shows the greatest social distance, and U.S. income differentiation is comparable to China’s.
2
Income increases typically lead to greater social differentiation and overproduction (expansion) of the elite, despite limited elite socio-political positions.
3
Social differentiation indicators alone are insufficient to predict revolutions; other factors identified by J. Goldstone must be considered.
4
Some unsuccessful elite contenders become a counter-elite and may attempt radical regime change under certain conditions.
5
Structural-dynamic theory models interaction of three macro-actors: population, elites, and the state, linking economic growth with income proportion maintenance.
6
Using P. Turchin and T. Piketty criteria, the study analyzes top decile incomes (top 1% and top 9%) and computes a social distance metric (annual incomes required to reach top 1%).

Interaction between population, elites, and the state as conceptualized by the structural-dynamic theory

Patterns and consequences of income inequality, elite expansion and counter-elite formation (including upper-decile/top-1% and top-9% income shares, social distance metric, and role of education) and their relation to revolution risk across selected countries

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2025-07-08
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Petr A. Orekhovsky
Olga Kislitsyna
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